Women were the face of the protest movement that brought down South Korea’s President Yoon Suk Yeol this winter, one of the most remarkable moments in the country’s young democracy.
But now that it’s time to replace him in snap elections Tuesday, women are completely absent from the ballot.
For the first time in 18 years, all of South Korea’s presidential candidates are men, and none has placed gender equality at the forefront of their campaigns. Analysts credit this to a growing backlash against the country’s feminist movement, particularly among young men. Long before his failed attempt to declare martial law, the ousted Mr. Yoon was criticized for fanning that anti-feminist sentiment by dismissing the existence of gender discrimination and rolling back policies geared toward women’s equality.
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South Korean women, who face some of the developed world’s most severe gender discrimination, emerged as a powerful organizing force in the protests against President Yoon Suk Yeol. But they are struggling to translate that leadership into political power.
So in some ways, it’s no surprise that women – and especially young women – were at the center of the anti-Yoon protests that spread across South Korea in December. Women in their 20s and 30s accounted for nearly 30% of the protesters gathered near the National Assembly the day of his impeachment, according to an analysis of Seoul’s living population data.
But along the way, these women found solidarity with other groups that felt disenfranchised under Mr. Yoon, and forged new bonds with traditional labor groups. And now they hope to maintain that momentum under the new administration, regardless of their political invisibility on the June 3 ballot and of an anti-feminist movement that’s taken hold in the nation.
“The core of democracy is whether the society respects minority rights,” says Jang Hye-yeong, a former Justice Party lawmaker and human rights activist. She notes that global swings toward right-wing and authoritarian politics add pressure to South Korea.
“The democratic nations the world once considered models – Western democracies – are no longer the norm. … There is no one left to teach us what to do. This means we must become the leaders.”
Protests grow more inclusive
South Korea’s latest feminist movement gained momentum after the 2016 murder of a woman in a karaoke bar bathroom sparked nationwide outrage over misogyny. Since then, feminists have mobilized against everything from digital sex crime to unattainable beauty standards, culminating in the rise of the 4B (or “4 Nos”) movement, a fringe movement begun in the 2010s in which Korean women swore off dating, having sex with, getting married to, and having children with men. But they have also faced fierce backlash over the past decade, at times resulting in physical violence. That anti-feminist sentiment helped Mr. Yoon win the presidency by a razor-thin margin in 2022.
Mr. Yoon’s promise to abolish South Korea’s Ministry of Gender Equality & Family and his dismissal of gender discrimination as “nonexistent” won him support among young men, and alienated young female voters. The country’s latest gender equality index dipped to 65.4 out of 100 – the lowest since the government began tracking this data in 2010.
Mr. Yoon “became president by stigmatizing feminists,” but they weren’t the only group targeted under his administration, says Ms. Jang. His political allies have restricted demonstrations for LGBTQ+ and disability rights, and made homophobic remarks.
“For many, life under Yoon had felt like an unending state of martial law,” she says. Years of organizing against Mr. Yoon’s policies allowed civil society to move quickly when martial law was declared, she explains. And the protests they organized felt unique.
There were sign language interpreters and wheelchair ramps. People from different backgrounds proudly waved pride flags, labor union banners, and other custom signage. Young people learned “March for the Beloved,” a classic Korean protest song, and older protesters bopped along to popular Korean Pop tracks.
“Protests have often been seen as exclusive spaces, open in theory yet intimidating for those unfamiliar with activism,” says Seok Minju, a doctor who regularly attended protests in college and was at the National Assembly the night Mr. Yoon declared martial law. “But this time, the square felt far more inclusive.”
Uncertainty looms
Shin Jin-Wook, a Chung-Ang University professor who studies political sociology and social movements, agrees. He says the most unique aspect of the current pro-democracy rallies is the cooperation between newer, loosely organized social groups and the more traditional labor and farmer organizations that emerged after South Korea’s democratization in the ’80s.
“A new form of solidarity has emerged,” he says. “This has resulted in a greater depth … of protest discourse, though whether this has come at the cost of mass appeal and openness remains uncertain.”
Kim Huju feels that uncertainty keenly. During last December’s unrest, the young farmer participated in a now-famous protest at Namtaeryeong, a normally quiet subway station where police were blocking the protesters’ path to Seoul.
Ms. Kim’s social media posts about the demonstration helped draw thousands to the spot; she remembers the moment when police finally removed their barricades after a 28-hour standoff, allowing the farmers and their tractors to finish their march to the presidential residence.
For many, their triumph became a symbol of collective resistance. But even a week later, during a meetup where dozens gathered to share their experiences at Namtaeryeong, “Everyone looked encouraged and, at the same time, also desperate,” says Ms. Kim. “We love to see solidarity continuing but can’t be sure how long it will last.”
Young voters remain polarized
When it comes to the election, many young women say they’re throwing their support behind Lee Jae-myung, the leading opposition candidate. Mr. Lee is considered the most liberal of the race’s six candidates. During the 2022 presidential election, Mr. Lee recruited Park Ji-hyun, a famous activist against sexual abuse, to his campaign team and was vocal about addressing gender discrimination. But since losing that race by a small margin to Mr. Yoon, Mr. Lee and the Democratic Party have seemed reluctant to acknowledge gender inequality at all.
Still, in an opinion poll released last month by Hankook Research, 52% of women ages 18 to 29 said they would vote for Mr. Lee and the Democratic Party over other potential candidates. Men of the same age report dramatically different preferences: Only 21% back Mr. Lee, compared with 31% who support the Reform Party’s Lee Jun-seok. The latter is known for his misogynistic statements, and has promised to follow through on Mr. Yoon’s commitment to abolish the Ministry of Gender Equality & Family.
South Korea is not alone in this trend; around the world, the rise of authoritarianism appears to be coinciding with a growing gender divide among young voters, with men leaning further right and women voting more progressive. That polarization will be a major challenge for any administration hoping to build consensus on social issues and strengthen the country’s democracy.
Yet memories of Namtaeryeong and other protests fill Ms. Kim with hope. They prove to her that women and minority groups can overcome deep-seated divides – and shape the country’s democracy from outside the system.
