British multiculturalism is a success. How do we know? Because any number of suspiciously well-funded third sector organisations are lining up to tell us so. No need to worry about the consequences of massive demographic change, and the worldwide rise of Islamism — social cohesion has never been stronger in the Potemkin village. Anybody who has ever wondered at the head-spinning speed with which “community leaders” take to the airwaves and heartwarming news stories surface following terrifying incidents of hate and violence, need speculate no more. Since 2019, we have all known for a fact that the British government has a meticulously planned and executed policy of “controlled spontaneity”, coordinated by the Research, Information and Communications Unit (RICU).
The degree to which public opinion has been manipulated following terrorist incidents is extraordinary. In the aftermath of the televised murder of a British aid worker by Islamic State, for example, RICU swung into action, using private sector contractors and a “grassroots” campaign to place an image of a woman in a Union Jack headscarf on the front page of The Sun. By presenting a convincing image of a patriotic and well-integrated Islamic community, the British state has managed to damp down the potential for civil disorder and retaliation, even in the wake of mass casualty attacks by Islamic extremists.
This has only undercut the authority of the government, whilst lending credibility to those on the far right
But the approach has proved counterproductive over the long term. Long before it was formally confirmed, you could find people openly speculating about state propaganda on social media. It looked coordinated because it was. This has only undercut the authority of the government, whilst lending credibility to those on the far right looking to spark violence and disorder. Moreover, it has led to the underlying tensions and problems in our society being ignored and dismissed as offensive and untrue. Over 5,000 European Muslims joined Islamic State, of which 900 (and possibly more) were British. According to a widely published claim, at one point there were more British Muslims fighting for ISIS than were serving in our armed forces.
The issue is not just about Islam, but also the cultural practices of many supposedly well-integrated communities. Over half of British Pakistanis marry their cousins, whilst over 60,000 girls in the UK are considered at risk of FGM (Female Genital Mutiliation), with thousands of new cases being identified every year. Globalisation has made it easier to move to and gain employment within the UK, but it has rendered integration harder, with many minority groups flying back to their country of origin to conduct arranged marriages or engage in practices like FGM.
The propagandistic approach of the British government has not only alienated “left behind” communities hostile to migration, but has also antagonised many minority groups, who feel that instead of organically joining civil society, they are being represented by astroturfed groups with lucrative government grants. Such was the accusation levelled this week by Baroness Gohir, who accused the anti-Islamophobia organisation “Tell MAMA” of failing to represent Muslims, and being in bed with the British state. It’s certainly hard to treat it as credibly independent given that it was launched by the government — and a Conservative minister, naturally — and has received over six million pounds of public grants since its founding. Last month, its funding was abruptly paused, and an “open bidding process” was announced for the job of monitoring anti-Muslim hate crimes and incidents.
Tell MAMA is just one of a large number of implicitly or explicitly state-backed third sector organisations that are effectively nationalised lobby groups; ideological flying buttresses that steer public policy from without. It is not always clear who is influencing who when it comes to lucrative government grants to organisations like Stonewall or Hope Not Hate. But this is the problem, and one suspects, the point. Policy goals, and policy consequences, too controversial to be represented too prominently in Whitehall can be laundered through charitable bodies, which can in turn politically sanitise their image behind a veil of “grassroots” progressive activism.
All of this suits the government, allowing it to deal with a “tame” civil society that can be rolled out when needed, and it suits the well-remunerated third sector organisations, who can collect their grants along with their gongs. It doesn’t suit those who actually have to live with the problems of multicultural Britain, either the minority groups who go unrepresented, or an increasingly discontent and economically marginalised population of white working class Britons.
But the unending twilight of the Potemkin village is coming to an end. The paper moon has fallen from the sky, and the villagers are rioting in the streets. British Muslims are no longer playing ball. The unseating of a number of establishment MPs, by insurgent Muslim independents running on issues like support for Palestine and Kashmir, is a death knell for the integration industrial complex. The rise of Reform, and the Southport riots, complete the coup de grâce. Of course, like many establishment fantasies, it will take a lot longer for it to realise that it’s dead. Despite shredded credibility, and increasingly hostile coverage in the press and parliament, the new Labour government remains indefatigably committed to this failed approach. Only last week the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government proudly announced a new “Combatting Hatred Against Muslims Fund”. The gravy train rolls on — but it’s already gone off the rails.
